
There is a profound existential irony in the contemporary pursuit of mental health: Adults spend years, and small fortunes, reclining on therapists' couches only to relearn what they already knew when they were four years old. The iconoclastic psychiatrist who developed transactional analysis, Eric Berne, observed this phenomenon with clinical precision. In his 1963 writings, he argued that children understand human behavior far better than trained adults.
The child, operating with a natural intuition — often called the "Little Professor" in Bernean theory — acts as a remarkably perceptive psychologist, reading the subtext of human interactions long before acquiring the vocabulary to articulate it.
Sigmund Freud (1930/1961) presented a drastic proposition: Culture is properly installed in the individual when the prohibitions of the external world are no longer necessary because they operate autonomously within the individual through guilt. The tragedy of development, as psychoanalyst Sándor Ferenczi (1908/1980) observed and Erik Erikson (1950/1963) later echoed, is that education and socialization frequently act as systematic mechanisms of suppression. Back to Berne.
The sharp and perceptive faculties of the Free Child are gradually muffled by the introjection of external rules, transforming the psyche into an Adapted Child governed by a rigid, almost always punitive internal Parent. Transactional analysis was born out of a rebellion against this very obscurity.
Berne's fundamental premise was overtly democratic: Psychological theory must be distilled into language simple enough for an eight-year-old child to understand. If a concept cannot be explained to a child, it is likely an intellectualization of the Adult ego state masking a fundamental misunderstanding of the human condition.
Understanding the architecture of the child's mind through transactional analysis is to walk the fault lines of developmental psychology. Berne himself (1961) drew explicit parallels between his tripartite model of ego states — Parent, Adult and Child — and the titans of early psychiatric thought. The nascent Adult ego state in the child mirrors Jean Piaget’s (1932, 1936/1952) studies on cognitive development and the formation of moral judgment. The vulnerabilities of the Child ego state echo the distressing findings of René Spitz (1945), which Berne would later integrate (1964), regarding hospitalism and the devastating psychic impacts of early sensory and emotional deprivation. Meanwhile, the initial structuralization of the Parent ego state finds its genesis in the work of Melanie Klein (1932) on the primitive stages of the Over-I (previously and inaccurately referred to as the superego).
However, theoretical elegance means little if it does not survive the chaotic and joyful crucible of actual childhood. This was the challenge taken up by Maku Almeida and Carolina Schmitz da Silva, two integrative relational mentors and teaching transactional analysts at the Mentoria Integrativa Relacional Institute, or MIR Institute, in Brazil. Their journey into pediatric transactional analysis began in the living room.
Almeida recalls her daughter — a five- or six-year-old child who is now a medical resident — demonstrating an astonishing capacity to identify psychological games. This young girl could intuitively perceive when an adult entered a Critical Parent ego state, and she possessed the acuity to differentiate between authentic and fake strokes, as well as between conditional and unconditional ones.
The catalyst to formalize this observation arrived years later, courtesy of a student in Almeida and Schmitz da Silva’s 202 transactional analysis training. Realizing that if the language of transactional analysis was truly accessible, it should be taught to her nine-year-old son, this student issued a challenge. Almeida and Schmitz da Silva accepted. In the twilight of 2019, shortly before the world shut down due to the COVID-19 pandemic, they created an unprecedented sociological and psychological experiment: an introductory TA 101 course exclusively for children and adolescents.
The methodology was a master class in translating high-level psychoanalytic theory into experiential pedagogy. Drawing on David Kolb’s experiential learning cycle, they created a "spiral of development" aimed at a group of 14 children, ages nine to 13. The curriculum was gamified but not diluted, they noted. The goal was to immerse the children in a fully operational dialogic field — a concept deeply indebted to the educational philosophy of Brazilian thinker Paulo Freire, where the lived experiences of the students form the foundation of their learning.
Central to transactional analysis is the concept of a "contract" — an explicit Adult-to-Adult agreement defining mutual expectations. For the children at the MIR Institute, the contract was not an abstract construct; it was the governing constitution of their shared reality. The facilitators utilized Berne’s three foundational contracts, incorporated Claude Steiner’s rigorous requirements and wove in the multi-party contract theories of Fanita English and Julie Hay. The children negotiated everything, including the right to play with a vast stock of provided toys.
This contracted autonomy extended to tangible, collaborative life skills. The children were divided into teams to cook meals, brew tea and coffee, prepare salads, sweep the floor and wash the dishes. The facilitators respected the group's organic timing. While one section performed the labor of the Adult ego state (cleaning or cooking), another could surrender to their Free Child (playing), with the understanding that roles would eventually alternate. They practiced what Berne envisioned: a society functioning under the existential position of "I'm OK, you're OK."
The most revealing moments of the Brazilian experiment occurred when the facilitators deliberately subverted the children's ingrained social scripts. During the immersive 16-hour course, chaos naturally ensued. Tea was spilt on the floor at least eight times. Glasses of water were knocked over. Children threw paper airplanes, climbed doors and engaged in typical preteen mischief. Still, the facilitators refused to use the Critical Parent ego state. There was no scolding, no raised voices and no crossed transactions. The absence of a punitive reaction profoundly unsettled the children's expectations.
A boy, sitting serenely in a lotus position in the corner of the room, eventually expressed the collective confusion. He noted that despite the numerous accidents, no adult reprimanded them. Almeida responded with a classic Adult ego state question: "Did you miss the scolding?" The boy admitted he did not, but noted its extreme rarity in adult-child dynamics. This interaction opened a profound dialogue about alternative, non-punitive relationship structures, proving that when the Adult ego state is given permission to exist without fear of a Critical Parent, the child's capacity for self-regulation flourishes.
This radical permission to think and question generated surprising diagnostic accuracy from the children. Using six hula hoops scattered across the floor to symbolize the ego states, participants engaged in theatrical games, diagnosing the transactions of their parents, teachers and peers with forensic precision. They recognized their own psychological games and the ulterior motives behind social masks.
One pedagogical solution was the construction of a 1.4-meter-tall egogram made entirely of Lego-like blocks. The children collaboratively decided to profile Brazil's then-controversial president, Michel Temer. The resulting psychological profile was, in the estimation of Almeida and Schmitz da Silva, more accurate than one produced by experienced adult analysts.
The theoretical explanation for this phenomenon lies in John Dusay's work on egograms. Because the child's internal Structuring Parent was not yet fully ossified, it lacked the inhibitory power to block the intuitive genius of the Free Child. They relied on pure, unadulterated perception. However, a child's enlightened state is precarious if they must return to a home governed by rigid and archaic scripts.
Recognizing this, Almeida and Schmitz da Silva implemented a strict confidentiality firewall for the children, while simultaneously orchestrating a parallel intervention for the parents. They created a WhatsApp group and held a four-hour post-event meeting. Inspired by Jean Illsley Clarke's seminal book, "Growing Up Again," they initiated a parenting workshop to teach adults how to sustain this "I'm OK, you're OK" dynamic.
A second experience brought together parents who, though grown, still carried the wounds of children shaped by authoritarianism.
While the parents in the first cohort — who already possessed basic knowledge of transactional analysis — adapted well, a subsequent group of uninitiated parents showed strong resistance. Trapped in traditional, authoritarian life scripts rooted in the "I'm OK, you're not OK" paradigm, these parents struggled to relinquish the power of the Critical Parent.
Across the Atlantic, the challenge of translating transactional analysis for children was being tackled through a different medium: literature. In Austria, Werner Himmelbauer, a 40-year-old former commercial photographer turned psychotherapist from the Viennese suburb of Klosterneuburg, teamed up with Leonardo Grundauer, a 26-year-old psychology student working in Graz.
Himmelbauer, deeply influenced by Berne, William Cornell and Mary McClure Goulding, and inspired by his two-year-old daughter, recognized the need for a narrative tool to combat negative parental injunctions. Grundauer, bringing fresh experience from his internship at the Landesnervenklinik Sigmund Freud Graz and a profound affinity for Claude Steiner's work, provided the youthful linguistic bridge.

Together, they wrote a children's book that confronts the most insidious aspect of script theory: the internal dialogue of injunctions, or drivers. In transactional analysis, these are the toxic messages transmitted from the caregiver's Parent ego state to the care receiver's Adapted Child ego state. Himmelbauer and Grundauer chose to personify these psychological burdens as "Goblins," or "Unworthies." This visual dissociation is clinically vital.
Children, governed by magical thinking, have a dangerous propensity to internalize criticism, forming the tragic life script: "I am fundamentally bad." By externalizing these messages into physical creatures that the protagonist, Lennard, is forced to carry, the authors create psychological distance. The child learns they are not inherently flawed; they are merely carrying something heavy. This shift is the foundation of self-compassion and self-efficacy, allowing the child to step away from the burden without destroying their sense of identity. Navigating this narrative required immense delicacy to avoid villainizing the parents — who, paradoxically, are the ones reading the book aloud.
The authors circumvented this by revealing that Lennard's parents are also tormented by their own Unworthies, which whisper lies about their adequacy. When the character Lennard fiercely defends his parents against these goblins, it creates a powerful alliance. The parents and the child are teammates fighting against a shared psychological affliction inherited from unresolved, multigenerational traumas, rather than adversaries locked in a crossed transaction.
To translate Claude Steiner's famous "Stroke Economy" into this mythical world, Himmelbauer and Grundauer resorted to playful metaphors. Abstract concepts of psychological recognition were transformed into tangible experiences of affection, smiles and warmth, accompanied by an explanatory appendix for parents to preserve theoretical integrity. When it came to defeating the Unworthies, the authors avoided adult rationalization — which is largely ineffective against the magical thinking of a distressed child. Instead, they employed a technique pioneered by Mary McClure Goulding: transforming fear into absurdity. By having Lennard visualize the goblins as ridiculous clowns, the narrative snaps the child's brain out of its state of neurological alarm.
Humor activates different emotional networks, reducing cortisol and allowing the Free Child's imagination to regain control. Still, the authors steadfastly refused to end the book with a "happily ever after" fairy tale. The goblins are launched into space, but the possibility of their return is acknowledged. Teaching children that negative thoughts can be permanently eradicated is a harmful fantasy. True mental health, the authors assert, lies in the continuous, confident maintenance of psychological tools.
The brilliance of the Austrian book lies in its dual functionality — what the authors liken to the "SpongeBob effect." It operates on two distinct frequencies. For the child, it offers a sense of safety and a vocabulary for their internal suffering. For the adult reading aloud, it functions as a Trojan horse for therapy. The authors constructed the pacing so that a parent begins reading from their Nurturing Parent ego state, shifts into their Adult state when explaining the psychological origins of the Unworthies and, finally, accesses their own Free Child by playfully launching the Goblins into the cosmos alongside their offspring.
To synthesize these global efforts, one must turn to the pedagogical oversight of thinkers like Luca Rischbieter. Holding a master's degree in education from the University of Paris and mentored directly within the lineage of legendary developmental psychologist Jean Piaget, Rischbieter views these TA interventions through a systemic lens.
Although he approaches TA as a layman, possessing a functional knowledge of foundational texts like "I'm OK, You're OK," Rischbieter identifies the Austrian book's Unworthies as a brilliant simplification of deeply complex psychological mechanisms. He sees in the goblins the shadows of Freud's Over-I and Mikhail Bakhtin's theories on the introjection of external discourse.
Rischbieter playfully compares the Austrian literary endeavor to "The Celestine Prophecy," cross-referenced with a pen — a highly conceptual, yet deeply sympathetic and authentic effort to foster self-knowledge. He views the externalization of the violent internal voice as an essential survival mechanism, especially given the tragic state of modern education. In Rischbieter's observation, contemporary schools have become hostile arenas, where middle and high school students spend the majority of their psychic energy merely trying to survive systemic bullying. In this scenario, any tool that promotes playful and dialogic interaction and enriches the repertoire of social roles is a vital psychological lifeline.
Drawing on his expertise in cognitive development, Rischbieter offers a profound metaphor to differentiate organic growth from forced socialization: the spiral versus the labyrinth. The experiential learning cycle employed by Almeida and Schmitz da Silva in Brazil represents the spiral — a natural, beautiful and ascending movement found universally in the mathematics of galaxies, the swirl of a coffee cup and the architecture of shells. It is the essence of the "spiral curriculum," where a central concept of emotional intelligence can be introduced to a child and revisited with increasing complexity as they age.
On the other hand, the labyrinth is a human-made algorithmic construct with a single, inexorable path — a fitting metaphor for the rigid, traditional educational systems that strip children of their intuition. René Spitz (1945) warned long ago about the devastating impacts of "hospitalism" and early emotional deprivation on the psychic structure.
But it wouldn't be an interview with Rischbieter without a profound provocation. In this sense, he questions the general understanding of transactional analysis when viewed as one of the intellectual responses to American pragmatism. For him, the fundamental premise of "I'm OK, you're OK" must be reabsorbed by subsequent critique so that one can analytically understand how an individual's "OK" state might necessarily signify a condition resulting from the "not OK" state of another.
Whether through the gamified domesticity of sweeping a floor in Brazil or the shared laughter of launching a clownish goblin into space in Austria, transactional analysis offers an escape from the algorithmic labyrinth of predetermined life scripts. It returns the power of diagnosis to its rightful owner: the fiercely observant, deeply intuitive and remarkably capable Little Professor residing within every child.
The global pandemic abruptly interrupted the MIR Institute’s plans for subsequent TA 101 courses for children, as Almeida and Schmitz da Silva concluded that physical, communal coexistence was non-negotiable for the methodology's success. However, the seeds had already been planted. In the post-pandemic landscape, the duo used their integrative relational mentoring to guide nearly 100 adolescents, leaning heavily on the foundation built during those 16 hours in 2019. Carolina's daughter, Alice — who was merely a newborn in arms during those first parenting workshops — is now growing up in a world where these tools are increasingly essential.
Ultimately, the translation of transactional analysis for children is a profound act of cultural reclamation. Whether through the theatrical installation of hula hoops and Lego blocks in southern Brazil, or the literary defeat of internal goblins in Austria, the objective remains identical. It is a concerted effort to bypass the rigid, defensive barriers of the adult world and speak directly to the deep, intuitive wisdom of the four-year-old child within. It is a reminder that healing is not about acquiring new complexities, but rather having the courage to return to the simple, profound truth of our original innocence.
Berne, E. (1961). Transactional analysis in psychotherapy: A systematic individual and social psychiatry. Grove Press.
Berne, E. (1964). Games people play: The psychology of human relationships. Grove Press.
Erikson, E. H. (1963). Childhood and society (2nd ed.). W. W. Norton & Company. (Original work published 1950)
Ferenczi, S. (1980). Psycho-analysis and education. In First contributions to psycho-analysis (E. Jones, Trans., pp. 280–290). Brunner/Mazel. (Original work published 1908)
Freud, S. (1961). Civilization and its discontents (J. Strachey, Ed. & Trans.). W. W. Norton & Company. (Original work published 1930)
Klein, M. (1932). The psycho-analysis of children (A. Strachey, Trans.). Hogarth Press.
Piaget, J. (1932). The moral judgment of the child (M. Gabain, Trans.). Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co.
Piaget, J. (1952). The origins of intelligence in children (M. Cook, Trans.). International Universities Press. (Original work published 1936)
Spitz, R. A. (1945). Hospitalism: An inquiry into the genesis of psychiatric conditions in early childhood. The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, 1(1), 53–74. https://doi.org/10.1080/00797308.1945.11823126
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